A HISTORY OF SISAL FARMING IN MAKUENI, KENYA 1965 – 2018 KIVUVA MARK KISANGI A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN HISTORY OF MOUNT KENYA UNIVERSITY MAY 2023 ii DECLARATION AND APPROVAL Declaration by the Student This thesis is my original work and has not been presented to any other institution for any award. Sign Date 09/05/2023 Kivuva Mark MAHS/2018/23182 Approval by Supervisor This Thesis has been submitted with my approval as the candidate’s supervisor. Sign Date: 09/05/2023 Dr. Ruth Njoroge Department of Humanities Mount Kenya University Sign Date: 09/05/2023 Dr. Wafula Wekesa Department of Humanities Mount Kenya University iii DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to my family, mum and dad who have stood with me throughout this journey. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENT I express my gratitude to various institutions and respondents for their valuable contributions in the write up of this thesis. Special appreciation goes to my principal supervisors Dr. Ruth Njoroge and Dr. Peter Wafula Wekesa of Mount Kenya University for their valuable encouragement, constructive feedback, kindness and guidance. A hand of appreciation goes to the Department of Humanities, Mount Kenya University, lecturers and staff for their precious contributions. My utmost gratitude go to the chairperson of the Department, other lecturers who offered valuable advice and guidance. v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ADRA Adventist Relief Agency ASAL Arid and Semi-Arid Lands CBO Community Based Organization EPZA Export Processing Zone Authority FAO Food and Agriculture Organization GoK Government of Kenya NDMA National Drought Management Authority vi ABSTRACT “According to ADRA, the global sisal production declined by 50% in the year 2018. This is the largest decline recorded since the inception of the crop, therefore this justifies the researcher’s choice of the period between 1965-2018. The purpose of this study was to document the origin, growth and decline of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya between 1965 - 2018. The objectives of the study aims at examining the origin of sisal farming, the growth of sisal farming and documenting the decline of sisal farming in Makueni. The significance of this study is that the study will add knowledge to the sisal farmers which in turn will earn foreign exchange through exportation this research used few theories for instance theory of historical inquiry which gives a detailed explanation on the history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018. The study used qualitative research design. The sample size was determined using Morgan and krejice (1970) sample size determination table. The target population of the study is 210 respondents therefore a sample of 136 respondents was used as per Morgan and krejice sample size determination table. Secondary data was obtained through text analysis. Secondary documentary material was assembled from the Kenya National Archives in Nairobi. In - depth interviews was used to collect primary data from two government agencies who have been involved in marketing of sisal. In depth interview guide was used to take forward a conversation with each respondent, raising questions and exploring key issues and areas of interest. It includes open questions, which was completely unbiased. Secondary data collected through text analysis and Primary data collected through in depth interviews and group discussions were analyzed using thematic analysis. The recorded data interview guide was transcribed, anonymized and coded then subjected to thematic analysis. When new themes was identified, the already coded materials were to ensure that the themes identified are consistent across the respondents. Data was presented thematically i.e. according to the objectives of the study. Findings revealed that sisal farming in Makueni have their origin in the colonial era. Liberalization of the sisal sector in the 1990s exposed sisal estates to competition among themselves and other firms which was resulting from entrance of new firms into the sisal sector.. This study is significant to the government, policymakers, researchers and sisal farming especially in regard to understanding origin, growth and history of sisal farming in Makueni and in comprehending the effects of liberalization on the sisal farming. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION AND APPROVAL ....................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. ACKNOWLEDGMENT ........................................................................................................ iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS .............................................................. iv ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ..................................................................................................... vii CHAPTER ONE ...................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................... 1 1.1Background to the Study ....................................................................................................... 1 1.2Statement of the Problem ...................................................................................................... 5 1.3 Purpose of Study .................................................................................................................. 6 1.4 Objectives of the Study ........................................................................................................ 6 1.5 Research Questions .............................................................................................................. 6 1.6 Justification of study ............................................................................................................ 6 1.7 Significance of the study ...................................................................................................... 7 1.8 Limitations of the Study....................................................................................................... 8 1.9 Delimitation of the study ..................................................................................................... 8 1.10 Scope of the study .............................................................................................................. 8 1.11 Assumptions of the study ................................................................................................... 8 1.12 LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................................. 8 1.12.2 Global History of Sisal Plantation .................................................................................. 9 viii 1.12.3 History of Sisal in Kenya .............................................................................................. 10 1.12.4 History and Structure of the Kenyan Sisal Industry ..................................................... 11 1.14 Decline of sisal farming ..................................................................................................... 12 1.15.1 The Theory of Historical Inquiry .................................................................................. 14 1.15.2 Social norms theory ...................................................................................................... 14 1.17 METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 14 1.17.0 Research methodology .................................................................................................. 15 1.17.1 Research Design............................................................................................................ 15 1.17.2 Location of the Study .................................................................................................... 15 1.17.3 Target Population .......................................................................................................... 17 1.17.4 Sampling procedure and Sample Size ........................................................................... 17 1.17.5 Data Collection Instruments ......................................................................................... 17 1.17.6 Piloting of the Study Instruments ................................................................................. 17 1.17.7 Data Collection Procedures ........................................................................................... 18 1.17.8 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 19 1.17.9 Ethical Consideration .................................................................................................... 19 CHAPTER TWO: ORIGIN OF SISAL FARMING IN MAKUENI, KENYA 1965-2018 .................................................................................................................................................. 20 2.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 20 2.2 Emergence of Sisal Farming in Makueni to 1963 ............................................................. 26 2.2.1 The Sisal Industry to 1957 .............................................................................................. 26 2.2.2 The Emergence of Settler Sisal Estates and Sisal Marketing during Colonialists .......... 34 ix 2.2.3 Emergence of Sisal Farming among Africans (1958 – 1963)......................................... 40 2.3 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 42 CHAPTER THREE: GROWTH OF SISAL FARMING IN MAKUENI, KENYA 1980 - 2000.......................................................................................................................................... 44 3.1 Provision of Extension Services ........................................................................................ 45 3.2 The Setting up of the Estate Bank and the Sisal Research Stations................................... 46 3.3 The Sessional Paper Number Ten of 1965 ........................................................................ 46 CHAPTER FOUR: DECLINE OF SISAL FARMING IN MAKUENI, KENYA 2000 – 2018.......................................................................................................................................... 49 4.1 Decline of Sisal Farming in Kenya 1963-1978.................................................................. 49 CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................... 51 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................... 51 5.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 51 5.1 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 51 5.2 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 51 5.2 Recommendations .............................................................................................................. 52 APPENDIX I: INFORMED CONSENT FORM ..................................................................... 60 APPENDIX II: Interview Questionnaire for Farmers/Marketers ............................................ 61 APPENDIX III: Focus Group Discussions Interview Questionnaire for Regulators (2000- 2018) ........................................................................................................................................ 67 APPENDIX VI: NACOSTI PERMIT LETTER...................................................................... 71 Appendix VII: Sample Size determination Table .................................................................... 72 APPENDIX VIII: Map of the Location of the Study .............................................................. 73 APPENDIX IX : Similarity Index .......................................................................................... 74 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the Study “Many countries rely on farming and cultivation which is the backbone of the economic development. The economic development of most countries is based on farming and cultivating of natural fiber. A greater population depends on agriculture hence imperative to improve the performance in the economy of these countries. A substantial number of the populations receive their income by cultivating in agriculture and cost effective and sustainable ecology, (Srinivasakumar et. al. 2013). Further as noted by Srinivasakumar et. al. 2013, there is an association between mankind and natural fiber is the sole source of their livelihood. Sisal being a natural fiber has an upper hand over other cash crops that grow in dry lands with minimum maintenance requirement, manageable ecological conditions with continuous production of up to 8 years. It is usually grown on land that is unsuitable for other agricultural activities apart from grazing. Another advantage is that the crop is drought resistant, does not require the use of fertilizers, herbicides or insecticides and can be intercropped (Mande, 1998). Further, sisal plantation can be a great source of foreign income to a country. In Tanzania for instance, the exportation of sisal contributed to more than a quarter of the foreign income earned by the country in the 1960’s and by mid 1960s the production declined drastically where currently the production is a quarter of the production by then (Katani, 2016).” “Moreover, the introduction of sisal farming in an area indirectly contributes to the development of other socio -economic infrastructure which are beneficial to the community. These include the establishment of railway lines and roads, improved building plans, establishment of schools and clinics for sisal workers and the other respondents living around the sisal estates (Hartermink and wienk, 1995). The recent global financial crisis saw the 2 retrenchment of many workers, which brought the need for labor intensive commercial activities that would ease the burden of unemployment in the world (Katani, 2016). Activities relating to sisal production, including farming and manufacturing of sisal related products are labor intensive. These have the potential of providing employment to a great number of respondents in an economy (Dlamini et al., 2013). Generally, labour for agricultural production is severely limited even under high unemployment rates. Therefore, introducing labour intensive production systems may be counter initiative.” “On the other hand, sisal is an environmentally friendly crop and is a renewable resource that can form part of the overall solution to climatic change (F.A.O, 2016). Measured over its lifecycle, sisal absorbs more carbon dioxide than it is producing. During processing, it generates bioenergy, produces animal feed, fertilizer and ecological housing materials and at the end of its life cycle, it is 100% biodegradable (Henderson, 2012). Moreover, sisal plant reduces soil erosion through its extensive root system and contributes positively to watershed management. Sisal plant used as hedges acts as an effective vegetative barrier/ fences to protect crops land and forests from predatory animals and intruders (Katani, 2016).” “Subbarao (1997) found that Sisal fiber finds its way as environmentally friendly engineering material. After extracting fiber sisal, leaves the huge quantity of residue (biomass) which can be profitably utilized for vermin composting biogas production and paper-making. These activities are eco-friendly and help in promoting organic farming and non-conventional energy utilization (Muthangya, et. al. 2009). Despite the various economic benefits of sisal plantation, its production has been declining every year. The global output of the world’s sisal production has been below expectation with the majority of manufacturers turning to the synthetic fibers for raw material. In East Africa, sisal production declined in the early 1960s. Consequently, the foreign income derived from the exportation of sisal product dropped, resulting to foreign earnings from other crops surpassing those of sisal (Dellaert, 2014). In Kenya, the decline in sisal production has been witnessed since 1961. According to F.A.O 3 (2016) and Dellaert (2014), Kenya exported 71,300 tons of sisal in 1963, compared to 27,560 tons produced in 2011, indicating a major decline of sisal production in the country (Dellaert, 2014). Kenya sisal board annual report for 1985 indicated that the sisal production for domestic use for the 6 provinces in Kenya was 45.5 metric tonnes.” “Common fund for commodities (1990) indicated that between 1970 and 1990, world production of sisal and henequen dropped by about 50 percent reflecting the severe reduction in global demand. Production of these fibers is concentrated in low-income countries of Africa, Latin America and Asia, and hence the depression of the market had profound adverse impacts on the livelihoods and food security conditions of the rural populations concerned (Paola and Shakib, 2007).” “In Kenya alone it is estimated that sisal plantation experienced a decline in production. ADRA, (2018). The decline of sisal production is caused by inadequately organized and inefficient marketing system. The sisal producers depended entirely on marketing agents to sell their produce abroad. The agents look for markets and organize shipping and insurance on behalf of producers. The agents also negotiated sisal prices on behalf of producers. The commission, brokerage, and handling charged by agents in Kenya discouraging small scale farmers from selling their produce abroad (Githire, 1989).” “Due to the importance of sisal to the country, an effective policy for sisal production is necessary. To do this requires knowledge of important factors that influence farmers' acreage and output decisions. This study therefore identifies key issues that influence sisal production in Kenya. Further, the key issues that affect sisal processing and marketing are also identified. Moreover, a sisal output, production, and sales systems model is developed with a twin goal of identifying the main factors influencing sisal output and of estimating the effects of these factors. Factors such as sisal prices, cost of sisal inputs, and prices of alternative crops are shown to affect production and sale of sisal fibers. The period 1960 to 1985 was characterized by falling sisal acreage, shortage of labour for cutting leaves, declining 4 marketed output, and poor marketing arrangements. Although sisal is a drought-resistant crop, and has many benefits for example contributing into effective economic use of arid and semi-arid regions especially in the Sub-Saharan Africa; is environmentally friendly as a renewable resource and forms important solution to climatic changes; sisal production has continued to decline. Across the globe, sisal production has been declining against increasing demand for the supply of fiber. Decline in sisal production has been catalyzed by shift in sisal farmers into production of agricultural products that are profitable. Natural sisal fibers face competition from synthetic fibers which are lower in price and are not dependent on rains which have been decreasing in tropics and other arid and semi-arid areas which were in the last two decades been sources of sisal.” “In Kenya, in particular, decline in sisal production correlates global trends in declines in sisal production in other countries especially Brazil, Asia and Sub-Saharan countries. Global decline in sisal production is supported by observed declines in sisal international trade to 52% by the year 2007 (FAO, 2007). In Kenya, the major sisal producing region is Makueni. Sisal production in Makueni demonstrates similar trends to global sisal production decline trends since 2004. Across the globe, a number of explanatory and exploratory studies have tried to identify reasons that could illustrate declines in sisal production for example firstly emergence of synthetic fibers that compete with sisal for the same local and international markets; secondly price wars between synthetic fibers and sisal fibers with synthetic fibers trading at very low prices compared to very high prices of sisal fibers wherein sisal fibers lose competitive advantage due to low cost leadership strategies adopted by synthetic fiber producing firms; thirdly shift in economies from agriculture to industrial economies leading into loss or reduced labor needed to sustain sisal production; and fourthly effect of drought towards reducing economic advantages of engaging in sisal farming and sisal production. Kenya has not invested in production of synthetic fibers, and as a result threat of price wars between synthetic fiber and sisal fibers is minimal. In addition, role of industrialization and 5 industrial revolution as main reason for catalysis of shift from sisal farming is not pronounced in Kenya and cannot explain linkage or correlation between declines in sisal production.” “In Makueni County, the Adventist Development and Relief Agency Kenya (ADRA Kenya) and Tahidi CBO opened up a plantation in Makueni County to sensitize the local farmers on the sisal plantation. However, the communities in the county are yet to embrace sisal plantation as a commercial crop despite sensitization efforts by these two organization and other development partners. A survey conducted by ADRA Kenya in 2013 showed that 16% of households in Makueni County are not cultivating sisal for economic purpose even after the sensitization. The farmers have continued with their old economic activities of agro pastoralism that have failed to alleviate the perennial social economic and ecological problems in the area. Although the community is aware of the various economic benefits of cultivating sisal, they are still reluctant in adopting cultivation of the crop, an indication that necessary steps need to be taken to assist the region and the country as whole in harnessing the benefits of sisal as a commercial crop. Data on factors contributing to the low cultivation of sisal and adoption of appropriate intervention technologies is lacking. Besides, the policy framework guiding production of sisal though the Kenya Sisal Board has not helped the farmers either. Farmer extension services on the best sisal agronomic practices are also lacking. There are currently no documented studies on the history of sisal plantation in Makueni County. Based on the problems stated, the purpose of this study is to establish the History of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya between 1965 – 2018.” 1.2 Statement of the Problem “Makueni County is among the regions in Kenya that has majorly focused on sisal plantation over decades. Most respondents in the region, especially women, have benefited a lot from the sale of sisal products. The residents make sisal products for sale both locally and internationally. These products includes; fiber, baskets, hats, mats, sacks and rags among others. The exportation of these sisal products have been of great source of foreign exchange between various countries. However, the production of sisal has declined globally over the 6 last decades. This has led to decline in international trade. Most manufacturers have turned to the synthetic fibers for raw materials. Sisal farmers have turned to other cash crops that surpass those of sisal (Dellaert, 2014). The importance of sisal production in Makueni has been overlooked. This research aims at documenting the History of sisal farming in Makueni County. This research filled the existing gap by focusing on the history of origin, growth and decline sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018.” 1.3 Purpose of Study The purpose of this study was to document the origin, growth and decline of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965 - 2018. 1.4 Objectives of the Study The specific objectives of this study was:- i .To examine the origin of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018 ii .To analyze the growth of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1980 -2000 iii .To document the decline of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 2000 - 2018. 1.5 Research Questions i. What is the origin of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965- 1980? ii. What accounted for the growth of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1980 - 2000? iii. What led to the decline of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 2000 - 2018? 1.6 Justification of study “This study attempted to describe history of sisal farming or phenomena, opinions, attitudes, preferences and perceptions of growers to the researcher. The study was carried out within the limits of Makueni region. Makueni County is on the Eastern part of Kenya. The researcher was able to establish association qualifying the relationship between the variables using techniques such as thematic analysis. This is considered appropriate for the study because it enables the researcher to report situations as they exist by describing, recording and analyzing. Sisal farming has a lot of advantages. The researcher will therefore identify them and discuss them in details in the process of History.” 7 “Since sisal does better in Makueni, farmers who grow it either in large scale or small scale are likely to benefit more. In addition to providing cash income, sisal is also important as a source of foreign exchange. Sisal exports earned Ksh. 273 million in 1985 and Ksh. 253 million the previous year. Sisal fiber is used for producing various products such as sisal sacks suitable for exporting valuable cereals like Arabica sisal. The sisal industry, which is facing a shortage of labour especially for cutting leaves, could therefore assist in alleviating the excessive rural-urban migration and rural unemployment. Leave cutters earn Ksh 25.40 per 100 bundles. Each bundle consists of 27 leaves. Weak workers cut 100 bundles in two days along the coast, thus earning low wages per month. Assuming one month has 22 days, a worker cutting 100 bundles a day earns Ksh. 558.80 in a month.” “Sisal estates with complete and fully established sisal estates, machinery, and infrastructure face difficulties should they decide to abandon sisal in favour of alternative crops or animal husbandry. Most of the machinery (e.g. the leaf decorticators and combing machines), sisal estate and other infrastructure are unsuitable for non-sisal uses. The costs of uprooting sisal would also discourage new investments especially in semi-arid areas where other crops might not survive. According to ADRA the global sisal production declined by 50% in the year 2018, this is the largest decline recorded since inception of the crop. Therefore this justifies the researcher’s choice of period between 1965-2018.” 1.7 Significance of the study “Sisal growers will gain deeper understanding on the origin and growth of sisal farming in Makueni County and be able to understand the changes that have taken place on sisal farming thus coming up with new methods and strategies to improve the sisal farming. Through improved sisal farming by sisal growers as result of the findings of this study, the sisal farming will improve the revenue of the government through exportation to other countries. The study form the basis for future researchers who was carrying out a study or studies on sisal farming as it will provide the literature review and also help them on identifying the research gaps that might be left unfilled since the research focuses on 1965-2018.” 8 1.8 Limitations of the Study “The major challenge may be that the interviews and task analysis was conducted primarily in English, which may have a biased participation towards those respondents who are more comfortable with Kiswahili this was solved through translation into Kiswahili so as to suit all respondents. Finally, the interview may lead to test-taking fatigue, resulting in biased responses questions near the end of the interview. This effect was minimized by providing frequent breaks for participants. It was a problem accessing sisal growing areas since such places are located in remote areas of Makueni County hence transport was a problem. To counter this, the researcher was forced to use motorbike which is more expensive.” 1.9 Delimitation of the study It focused on documenting the history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018. It specifically aim at establishing the origin and growth of sisal farming, and documenting the decline of sisal farming in Makueni. 1.10 Scope of the study The study was carried out within the lowest limits of Makueni Region. Makueni County is located along eastern part of Kenya. This explains the hot temperature experienced all year round. It focused on documenting the history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018. 1.11 Assumptions of the study (i) There are diverse factors that played a great role in the Sisal Farming trends in Makueni. (ii) The patterns of Sisal Farming in Makueni County between 1965 – 2018 could be attributed to historical factors. (iii) That all the respondents were willing to answer research questions honestly. 1.12 LITERATURE REVIEW Literature review is crucial in any research because it helps identify gaps in the previous research and rationalize entry point of the current research as well as shaping and deepening 9 conceptual and theoretical framework (Orodho, 2005). As such literature review covers the concept of origin and growth of sisal farming, growth of sisal farming and decline of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018, summary of literature review and theoretical framework for the study. 1.12.2 Global History of Sisal Plantation “Originally sisal was first planted in Yucatan, Mexico. The other name for sisal is sosquil and green gold. Its coarsest nature makes the hardest fiber. In the early 1890,s sisal plantation was introduced in East Africa because of its suitability in hot and dry climate. In Africa, sisal was first grown in Tanzania, the hot and dry dominating climatic conditions, ensured high input coupled with a mono-cropping system that was is large scale. Lands conditions for the sisal cultivating zones should be good enough to allow for the growth of the crop and it performance (Mande). According to Srinivdakumar, (2013) sisal is Hardy plant that is perennial which unlike other seasonal fiber crops, it is able to thrive in low humid geographical areas as well arid and semi-arid climate zones. The crop also can survive in any type of soil with reduced cost of production and with high chances of survival, low maintenance related charges and regeneration. Sisal plant is able to survive in high temperatures and prolonged droughts.” “Richard Hind a Mexican national introduced sisal in Tanganyika and in later years the department of agriculture introduced it in Kenya in 1903 (Kenya Sisal Industry, 2005). It was first introduced Coastal regions like Voi which further spread to Thika, Nakuru, Embu and Nyanza Lake region. A high level Sisal research station was established in Thika town to conduct research and of sisal crop. According to sisal board of Kenya (KSB, 2009), There were 64 sisal estates spreading across 102, 000 hectares of land and with a capability of producing 70,154 tons of sisal fiber out which 63,821 formed the export in the year 1963.” “Between 1970 and 1990, world production of sisal dropped by about 50% reflecting a tremendous reduction in global demand. Since production of fibers is concentrated among 10 low-income countries of Africa, Latin America and Asia, the depression in the market had profound adverse impacts on the livelihoods and economic development of the rural populations concerned. Rutherford (2001) projected that the steady downward trend in production is likely to continue in future.” 1.12.3 History of Sisal in Kenya “Sisal was introduced in Kenya in 1903 by the then department of Agriculture, following its successful introduction as a cash crop in Tanzania. After a few years of trials at the Kenyan Coast, it proved successful thus arousing the interest of white entrepreneurs. This culminated in the establishment of the first commercial sisal plantation at Punda Milia near Thika in 1907. A second plantation followed shortly after at Nyali in Mombasa, followed by more plantations in other areas of Kenya mainly along the railway line for ease of transport. The land under sisal quickly grew, that by 1913 it had reached over 28000 hectares (Rutherford, 2001).” “From then it grew steadily as witnessed by the first export to Europe in 1914 which led to establishment sisal as a cash crop, in Kenya at that time. This led to ambitious growth in production of sisal fibers and by 1950s, the number of sisal plantations had increased to fifty- four, which occupied almost 120,000 hectares with exports reaching approximately 60,000 metric tonnes per annum in 1960.This culminated in the opening of a spinning sisal estate in 1954 to process twine, ropes, gunny bags and mats for both domestic and export markets (Kanogu, 2011).” “The challenges facing the subsector in Kenya hinge largely on politics around land use, particularly in the Coast region, where private sisal farms occupy more than 300,000 acres. Rapid population growth of 10-30% recorded in the national population census of 1962-1969 led to the decline of farm sizes in 1980s owing to the fact that there were no more new areas for settlement to absorb the excess population (Tiffen et al. 2003). Population growth over the years has invariably led to land use changes, labor relationships, increased demand for 11 food and other goods which combined with increased scarcity of land has led to investments beyond land capacity to improve crop yields (Tiffen, 2003).” “Despite these hurdles, Kenya is ranked the world's third largest producer of sisal after Brazil and China, with Taita Taveta County producing most of the sisal in the country. The crop does well in arid and semiarid areas, which constitute about 80 per cent of the country (Pascal, 2014). Research in improved production and processing system (including propagation of sisal using meristematic tissue culture and harmer mill extraction technology in addition to the conventional decortication) has greatly enhanced production and quality of Sisal fiber as well as improved soil and environmental conservation (GOK, 2005).” “In addition, current research shows that sisal has a potential to be used for pharmaceutical purposes for example Sisalana Americana its juice is an important component in the production of hacogenin and Inulin); in the production of cattle feed, decorative panels, hand bags and fashion accessories for women, as well as geotextiles (Laksesvela and said 1990). Sisal is a plant with remarkable qualities that allows it to survive harsh arid conditions. The plant is productive for roughly 6 to 9 years, in a 12 year growing cycle (Henderson, 2012).” 1.12.4 History and Structure of the Kenyan Sisal Industry “Sisal originated from Mexico and was later introduced in the tropics and the sub tropics. In India, sisal was introduced between 1885 and 1892 while in Tanzania it was introduced in 1893. Sisal was introduced in Kenya in 1903 by the officials of the Department of agriculture, who obtained it from Tanzania. In 1904, 1,500 additional plants were imported from West Indies and planted in Kenya. However, the pioneers of the Sisal Industry in Kenya were R. Swift and E.D. Rutherford who established sisal plantations at Punda Milia, between Thika and Murang'a areas in 1907, having imported it from Tanzania (Lock, 1962).” “Sisal manufacturing in Kenya started in 1934, when the Kenya sisal manufacturing company was formed. In 1936, the company went public and changed its name to Sisal Products (East Africa) Limited. Growth of the company began in 1938, when a sisal mill was set up. In 12 1954, a jute processing mill was also established. Four years later, a separate company, East African Mattings Limited, was set up. East African Bag and Cordage Company owned half of its shares. The premises of the defunct East African Mattings Limited are located within the Bag and Cordage Sisal estate till today. In 1977, the cordage company purchased machinery for weaving synthetic products and in the following year, production of polypropylene products began. An extrusion line of the synthetic plant was completed in 1981. In 1983, the E.A. Bag and Cordage Company bought Acif Ltd and renamed it KENSACK Ltd. Currently, 2,600 workers and 1,400 others are employed in the E.A. Bag and Cordage and KENSACK Companies.” “In addition to the above manufacturing plants, are four semi-processing sisal estates processing small quantities of fiber and leaf from smallholders. Large and medium sized estates have their own semi-processing sisal estates for leaf decorticating. Geographically, the estates and plantations are located in the Central, Nairobi, Coast, Rift Valley and Eastern Provinces. In 1986, twenty-two sisal estates and four smallholder sisal processing sisal estates were in operation in Kenya.” 1.14 Decline of sisal farming “Sisal was used by the Aztecs and the Mayans, respondents of Mexico to make crude fabrics and paper. In the 19th century, sisal plantation spread to Florida, the Caribbean islands, and Brazil (Paraiba and Bahia), as well as to countries in Africa, notably Tanzania and Kenya, and Asia.In Cuba its cultivation was introduced in 1880, by Fernando Heydrich in Matanzas.The first commercial plantings in Brazil were made in the late 1930s and the first sisal fiber exports from there were made in 1948. It was not until the 1960s that Brazilian production accelerated and the first of many spinning mills was established. Today Brazil is the major world producer of sisal. There are both positive and negative environmental impacts from sisal growing.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aztecs https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mayans https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florida https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caribbean https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Africa https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tanzania https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenya https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuba https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fernando_Heydrich https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matanzas 13 “Global production of sisal fiber in 2013 amounted to 281 thousand tonnes of which Brazil, the largest producing country, produced 150,584 tonnes. Tanzania produced approximately 34,875 tons, Kenya produced 28,000 tonnes, Madagascar 18,950 tonnes and 16,500 tonnes were produced in China (mainland). Venezuela contributed 4,826 tons with smaller amounts coming from Morocco, South Africa, Mozambique, and Angola. Sisal occupies 6th place among fiber plants, representing 2% of the world’s production of plant fibers (plant fibers provide 65% of the world’s fibers). As one of the world's important natural fibers, sisal was included in the scope of the International Year of Natural Fibers, 2009.” “Sisal is a drought resistant plant that can be grown in a variety of soils and climatic conditions where other crops cannot do well or even survive. It can grow in areas where rainfall is below 760 milimetres per annum. Thus, as a cash crop, sisal is important because it can grow in the large, semi- arid portion of Kenya's land. In addition to providing cash income, sisal is also important as a source of foreign exchange. Sisal exports earned Ksh. 273 million in 1985 and Ksh. 253 million the previous year. Sisal fiber is used for producing various products such as sisal sacks suitable for exporting valuable cereals like Arabica sisal.” “The proportion of sisal exported in each period is high but falling. The remaining sisal fiber is stored for future exports or is consumed locally. The percentage of fibers exported is declining due to increased local consumption of sisal fiber. The percentage of local consumption and stocks has increased. However, the volume consumed locally has fallen in 1985. Consumption since 1967 fluctuates considerably. The purpose of this study was to document the history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sisal_production_in_Tanzania https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kenya https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madagascar https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venezuela https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morocco https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africa https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mozambique https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angola https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Year_of_Natural_Fibres 14 ”1.15 Theoretical review 1.15.1 The Theory of Historical Inquiry “ThThe theory of historical inquiry was developed by Carl Hempel (1999). In a paper published by Philosopher Carl Hempel (1999), “The Function of General Laws in History” he came up with a theoretical explanation of history deduction meant explanation in science as well as in history. An account could only be regarded a true explanation if it showed specific conditions and governing law of what would happen if the conditions are met. Unless it showed these characteristics it could not be taken as a real explanation but would be taken as an explanation sketch. The covering law theory as it is referred to; was a key philosophical discussion before 1990 This theory forms the basis for explaining the history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018.This theory will appeal to respondents understand of what an explanation is. A real explanation gives details of why event occurred and why it might have occurred. 1.15.2 Social norms theory “The social norms theory was advanced by Terry and Hogg, (2001); Goldstein et al. (2006) discovered that normative effects on behavior and thought are an advance research area in social sciences. (Campbell, 1964; Durkheim, 1951) norms are fundamentals to comprehend behavior variations and social order. Over the past years there has been an enormous increase of programs on normative information as a key tool for change in social behaviors like tax evasion, eating disorders, gambling, littering, recycling, (Schultz, 1999). This gives an understanding for social norms and subsequent incentive to sisal farming patterns in Makueni, Kenya 1965-2018. Sisal is a highly valued crop globally as it greatly influences the economic development of most countries. Developing countries significantly participate in agricultural farming.” 1.17 METHODOLOGY “The section describes the methodological framework which was utilized to attain the objectives of the study. The main focus of this section is on research design, type and sources 15 of data, population description, sample size, sampling frame and its characteristics, sampling technique and a description of the choice of data collection instruments, interview guide design, and methods of data analysis. In addition, this section will discuss the procedure for conducting the research and how the findings was handled.” 1.17.0 Research methodology “Qualitative research methodology was deployed because this gave a valuable insight and in depth understanding of sisal farming in Makueni. The focus was on recording history on sisal farming during the stated period.” 1.17.1 Research Design “A research philosophy is a brief on how data about phenomena is supposed to be gathered, analyzed and utilized. It relates to the development of knowledge, the nature of that knowledge and has vital assumptions about the researcher’s global view. The research gave a snapshot of documented history of sisal farming in Makueni, Kenya based on longitudinal qualitative survey design. The qualitative research gave valuable insight and in-depth understanding of sisal farming in Makueni to build on the existing gaps in the theories of sisal farming. This research will deploy a qualitative method of data collection. The focus was on recording history and views on sisal farming during the stated period.” 1.17.2 Location of the Study “The study was carried out within the limits of Makueni region. Makueni County is located along the Eastern part of Kenya bordering Kitui County, Taita Taveta County, Machakos County and Kajiado County. “Temperatures range from a minimum of 14°C to a maximum of 34°C. Highest temperatures are experienced during the months of February and August to October, while lowest temperatures are in the month of July (GoK, 2015) The area receives bi-modal rainfall, and has historically received 574mm of precipitation annually (GoK, 2002). Long rains occur between March to May and Short rains from October to November. All the rivers in the region are seasonal they and therefore cannot be relied upon for irrigation since they flow for 16 only two months after the rain season. There is one permanent river, Athi, which crosses at the lower end of the county.” “The vegetation of Makueni County is tree-shrub-land dominated by Acacia ssp, shrubs and grass lands. The region lies at ecological zone IV with savannah characteristic. Agriculture is the main socio economic activity in the area. The field crops which thrive in the area are millet, sorghum, pigeon peas, cow peas and maize. The community also practices some livestock rearing making them to be agro pastoralist.” “Generally, in Makueni County about half of the lands is arable land either under crop or livestock production. The communities of Makueni County depend mostly on agro pastoralism. In the recent past, most of the community members depended on crop production but due to erratic and inadequate rainfall in the area, many farmers have shifted from crop production only to mixed livestock production in order to spread the risk. The livestock kept in the area are the zebu cattle and indigenous breeds of goats and sheep. Livestock production has also been declining because of inadequate pasture, which has triggered many farmers to start charcoal burning business to earn for their living. The land tenure system has also contributed to the decline of livestock production since the land has been sub divided to the small portions, which could not accommodate large number of livestock unlike the past where the land was communally owned. This has promoted deforestation and loss of plants diversity due to massive cutting of the indigenous trees.” “Some of the community members engage in casual labourers like building and construction of terraces as their livelihood (ADRA, 2013). The overdependence on rain fed agriculture with minimal irrigation and population movement is likely to trigger conflicts over scarce resources (GOK, 2002; Agwata, 2006). The study area has a population of 16,267, of which 8% is urban according to the 2009 National population census with 2.1 percent growth rate. Three quarters of the population depend on agriculture either livestock or crop production. Many of the families are female headed households mainly because early pregnancies and 17 men who migrate to towns for search of jobs to cater for their families (ADRA Kenya, 2015).” 1.17.3 Target Population “The target population of the research comprised of 210 respondents i.e. 100 sisal growers, 100 marketers and 10 regulators in Makueni County. Mugenda & Mugenda (2003) defines total population as an entire group of respondents, events or having common observable characteristics. 1.17.4 Sampling procedure and Sample Size The sample size was determined using Morgan and Krejice (1970), sample size determination table. The target population of the study is 210 respondents therefore a sample size of 136 respondents was used as per Morgan and Krejice (1970) sample size determination Table indicated in Appendix IX. 1.17.5 Data Collection Instruments “Secondary data was obtained through text analysis. Secondary documentary material was assembled from the Kenya National Archives in Nairobi. This included information on origin, growth of sisal farming in Makueni County. The documents included; Government official reports, government files, annual reports, and minutes of various bodies on sisal farming were involved between 1965-2018. In - depth interviews was used to collect data from two government agencies who have been involved in marketing of sisal. In depth interview guide was used to take forward a conversation with each respondent, raising questions and exploring key issues and areas of interest. It includes open questions, which was completely unbiased. Group discussions was to collect data from the sisal growers. The related areas in data collection tools focused on experience of existing sisal farming as well as the practical knowledge focused on the major theme as per the objectives of study.” 1.17.6 Piloting of the Study Instruments “A pilot study was carried out in Makueni County covering 5 respondents. The main aim was to ascertain the validity and reliability of the instruments. The researcher analyzed whether 18 the answers was supplying the appropriate information and whether the questions set in the interview produce results and address the research questions. The pilot study was used as a correction tool for the research instrument.” 1.17.6.1 Validity of the instruments “According to Hayes (2002), validity refer to the extent to which an instrument can measure what ought to be measured. It is the extent to which an instrument asks the right question in terms of accuracy and meaningfulness which are based on research results (Mugenda & Mugenda, 1999). The instrument was reviewed by the supervisors and other research experts from Mount Kenya University. In designing an instrument that will yield content valid data, the research will first specify the domain indicators which was aligned to the concept being measured, to ensure that they contain all possible items that could be used in the concept.” 1.17.6.2 Reliability of instruments “According to Mugenda and Mugenda (1999), the reliability of the instrument is the measure of the degree to which researchers yield consistent results of data after repeated trials. In order to test reliability of the instruments to be used in this study, split half method was preferred because it has a major advantage of eliminating chance error caused due to differing test condition scores on the odd numbered items was correlated with the scores on the even numbered items. Data with a high split-half reliability will have a high correlation coefficient.” 1.17.7 Data Collection Procedures “The data was collected through in depth interview and group discussions. Prior to the data collection, the researcher visited the sisal growers to notify them about the study and issue them with the consent letter which was in written form or verbally to the illiterate. Once the consent letter was signed, the researcher agreed with them about the actual date and venue for data collection which was through group discussions. The researcher then met the informants and agreed date to collect data. ” 19 “The researcher then proceeded to the Ministry of Agriculture – Makueni County to meet the officials who will have been selected, that is, two government regulators and agencies to present a consent letter and agree on date and venue for data collection. Once they agree, the research ear will collect data on the specified date through in depth interview. Secondary data was obtained through text analysis. The researcher will write a letter to the to Kenya National Archives in Nairobi requesting for the permission to access the documents needed to attain the objectives of the study and clearly indicating the duration to be taken. Once the permission was granted, the researcher will proceed with data collection. The text analysis was done in duration of two weeks or as it was agreed with the management of Kenya National Archives.” 1.17.8 Data Analysis “Secondary data collected through text analysis and Primary data collected through in depth interviews and group discussions were analyzed using thematic content analysis. The recorded data interview guide was transcribed, anonymized and coded then subjected to thematic content analysis. When new themes was identified, the already coded materials were to ensure that the themes identified are consistent across the respondents. Similar raised concerns and issues that emerge from the themes and sub themes will then be identified and narratives constructed. Transcripts were edited to show the generated possible concepts suggested as appropriate for historical practices rather than the questions or concepts predetermined in the interview guide.” 1.17.9 Ethical Consideration “The researcher sought written permission from the national commission for science, technology and innovation to undertake the research. Informed consent letters was written to all respondents before data collection. The respondents was requested to provide honest information required for completion of the research. The respondents was assured of confidentiality and anonymity in the information they give as it was used for academic purposes only in partial fulfillment for an award of master of history degree.” 20 CHAPTER TWO: ORIGIN OF SISAL FARMING IN MAKUENI, KENYA 1965-2018 2.0 Introduction “This Chapter analyzes the origin of sisal farming in the post-colonial period (1965-2018), transforming of sisal farming sector during the Kenyatta era (1965-1978), and reforms in sisal industry during Moi regime 1978-2002. This was necessary because it formed the baseline information of the study. The section also examined adoption of cash crops and how the colonial regime interfered with it up to 1963. Growth of sisal farming in Makueni (1965- 1980) In Kenya, the pioneer years of colonialism were vital to ensuring that European farmers, the colonial government as well as their allies in commercial circles in London had power over both the productive resources and the economic structures. Sisal was one of the significant crops that had been reserved exclusively for European production (Brett, 1973). The European settlers grew the crop in selected parts of the Kenya highlands upon realizing its potential. During these early years, Africans were excluded from growing the crop (Brett, 1973).” “A law had been enacted that barred Africans from engaging in sisal production. The 1910 Sisal Plantations and Sisal Dealers Ordinance empowered District Commissioners to issue certificates which permitted holders to grow sisal (https://learning.uobi.ac.ke/.../331-t-the-p...) (exe-E-learning portal). This law prevented Africans from growing sisal. Issuances of certificates to African began later in 1950 (https://learning.uobi.ac.ke/.../331-t-the-p...) (exe- E-learning portal): (Brett, 1973).” “Furthermore, this ordinance was reinforced by other excuses one of these was African sisal would be prone to diseases which would spread to European farms (Musembi, 2010:91). The first African sisal grower did not produce quality sisal. This outcome enhanced the sanctioning of Africans from sisal growing (Thurston, 1987). The significant position of the white farmers in the Legislative Council also served as mechanism to promote their economic interest, the colonial government did not give attention to African agriculture (Musembi, 2010:95). Musembi, (2010:95) further observed that the settler production, in the early 21 twentieth century did not have specific policies on African agriculture, the colonial state was more inclined to settler production. The Department of Agriculture for instance, financed the settler sisal growing while excluding Africans. These arguments explain the reasons for the delay in sisal farming among Africans in Makueni County and other parts of Kenya.” “Kenya’s sisal industry at its early years was shaped by colonial economic policies within and without Kenya (Barnes, 1959:3). In Kenya, the European settlers were in charge agricultural production for export market. This was enabled by favorable policies on land, tax and labour that had been enacted at the set off of colonial rule. Policies were enacted in order to make the protectorate self-sustaining (Sorrenson, 1968:30). The prosperity of the protectorate depended largely on agricultural commodities given, that there were few mineral deposits known to exist at this time (Barnes, 1959:3); (Ouma, 1988).” “Mr. Charles Eliot, Second Commissioner of the East Africa Protectorate during the initial years influenced the agricultural export production. His report on the local inhabitants pointed them as unreliable in production of crops for export. For instance he described the Maasai society ‘utterly non-productive’ and the Kikuyu as ‘as badly disorganized’ among other descriptions (Wolf, 1974:47). The description of the Kamba by the settlers portrait them as lazy respondents whose major activity was roaming in market places (Ngok, O. I., 23/7/2017). He further emphasized that, there were vast lands favorable for European agriculture. Therefore, the settlers could engage in crop production whose transportation via the Kenya-Uganda railway would be possible. The transportation of raw material to the coast was also guaranteed as well as the importation of manufactured goods from overseas to the interior (Wolf, 1974:47). These sentiments served to reinstate the settler economic interest in the colony.” “Kenya-Uganda railway was constructed to link the Coast and Lake Victoria. The railway reached the terminus of Kisumu in 1901. The railway led to the expansion of the foreign 22 office’s administration to the interior (Brett, 1970:2). It also formed a vital basis for agricultural development for the country (Dilley: 66:15); (Bates, 1989).” “The means to generate revenue, as well as the agents and method of development became a challenge at beginning colonialism (Kosgey, 1981). A range of proposals for settlement were put forward. These advancements ranged from the options of Indians immigrants who had settled long the railway line, the European settlement, the Jewish colonization scheme as well as the African producers (Ghai and McAuslan, 1970). The British industrialist opted for European settlers in 1901 as agents of development in place of the Jews and Asians and after a thorough discussion (Dilley, 1966:15); (Bennett, 1963:12). The settler estate as a means of production was selected after consideration of specific combination of political, economic, geographical and political factors (Kosgey, 1981). The promotion of white settlement was accompanied by specific legal policies and repercussions. The colonial government was charged with the responsibility giving land to the settlers on attractive packages. This entailed the provision of labour for land cultivation, regulation of African scheduled areas of settlements among other issues (Ghai and McAuslan, 1970).” “Among some of the legislations that the colonial government supported the settlers indirectly are as follows. First it is important to note that these legislations provided an avenue for settlers to maximize agricultural production and as result establish estate. The 1902 Crown Lands Ordinance permitted white settlers to own land on freehold or 999, or 99 years. Second was, the 1908 Land Title Act. This law allowed the separation between privately owned lands and the Crown Land. All community lands became Crown Land and the white highlands which were European settled lands were privately owned (learning.uond.ac.ke); (Zwanenberg, 1975); (Dilley, 1966:252). It is believed that by 1963, 18 percent of Kenyans best land had been alienated for use by between 1,000 to 35,000 Europeans (Zwanenberg, 1975). Africans entitlement to land was given little attention by the colonial masters (Barnes, 1956:11). They were stripped privileges to their own land. As a result, no significant move 23 was initiated to provide land to be used by the natives till later in 1915 when the Crown Land Ordinance enabled the governor to declare reserves (Barnes, 1956:12). Little efforts were made to ensure the proclamation until in 1926. This was done to facilitate for European land utility (Barnes, 1956:12); (Zeleza, 1973).” “The settler agriculture was as well favored by the tax system. Taxation levied on exports was reduced to enable the settler farmers’ exports more profitable (Zwanenberg et al, 1975). The government offered several agricultural services to white settlers while excluding Africans (Zwanenberg et al, 1975). Services offered included, transport, communication networks and training among others. It is important to note that Africans contributed to these services through taxation (Zwanenberg et al, 1975:20-40). Moreover, during the initial years of white settlement, the colonial government encouraged and supported both official and unofficial research on commodities that were likely to yield abundant returns on capital invested in the protectorate (Masefield, 1962); (Wolff, 1974:68-73). This was also applied on the sisal crop. Furthermore, the colonial government granted loans to certain crop producers as well as subsidized rates on railway transport and on loans on particular producers (Barnes, 1956:11).” “On the side of Africans, a sharp contrast was evident in terms of policy framework. Up to the early 1920s the colonial policy towards Africans was overlooked. This is what Wrigley, Kenya referred to as “a conscious neglect”. This arose from belief that the enhancement of the Africans areas was likely to interfere with the flow of labourers and consequently increase the wages (Wrigley, 1959:226). European purported that the development of African agriculture was likely to interfere with European production. Indeed in the period 1912-1913 the native produce was estimated to have been seventy percent of the value of agricultural export and by 1928 this proportion had dropped drastically to less than twenty percent (Wrigley, 1959:226). Despite this isolation, projects arose in African areas whose efforts relied on individual initiatives or that of mission societies. Occasional advisory visits were 24 offered by the agricultural departments which were largely driven by official requests from agricultural officials (Moris, unpublished manuscript: 20).” “Notable policy shift toward Africans began during the post-war recession period. This resulted from the financial crisis that emerged from drop in revenue, exports trade. Some folks argued for the need to stimulate African production with the hope of easing balance of payment by increasing the exports and reducing commodities imported at the same time boosting revenue (Brett, 1925:115-138). Furthermore, the annual report for the Department of Agriculture for the period 1920-1921 revealed the plans to promote African agriculture. This involved the training of African instructors who would in return aid in improvement of farming activities in the African reserves. Native production of crops for export such as millet, maize, groundnuts, cotton, simsim peas and peas were enhanced for native export (Department of Agriculture, Annual Report (1920-1921). A policy of stimulating native industries production was presented in 1923 by the District Commissioner for Makueni. The natives were to be issued freely with seeds of suitable crops which would add to mitigation for the collection of a tax. The natives of Lumbwa were expected to get little from this. However no agricultural officer was sent to the district (KNA.DC/KER/1/3).” “Other efforts originated from the British business population such as the British East African Corporation major known as Sir E. H. M. Legget who argued for the shift in the economy of the colony noting that the future of most countries depended largely on the promotion of native production as opposed to white production (Brett, 1925:178). Other initiatives were driven by W. Ormsby-Gore of the East African Commission who focused on strategies to stimulate native economic advancement (Ibid: 46-47). This began in 1925 with a target of improving social conditions. The commission emphasized on the need to promote both European interest as well as those of the natives hence supporting the dual policy of development. This involved the combination of both native production and non-native production (Ibid). By 1929 the Department of Agriculture had been obliged to have a clearly 25 defined policy in African areas and official policy changes were articulated (Moris, unpublished work). Protection of the settlers was not only at the production levels but also at the market levels (Ibid). For instance within the estate movement, the first estate ordinance was passed in 1931. This ordinance however did not allow Africans to form estates. It was later in 1945, when a fresh ordinance was formulated and passed that permitted Africans to form estates (Bager, 1980:21). This restrictive policy was largely because of concerns among the Europeans that African estates could reinforce the economic position of Africans, which in turn would result to complexity for Europeans in getting adequate number of workers for their farms.” “Moreover, economic position of this kind would be a political forum for the Africans in their agitation against racist colonial system. It was in mid 1950s that the development of African estates took a steady pace. This was as result of the government initiative (Bager, 1980:21). The Swynnerton Plan of 1954 which mobilized for an increase in commodity production on African small-scale farmers further intensified pyrethrum and sisal cultivation. New marketing avenues hence had to be established and therefore the marketing estates were used as a means to bridge the gap. The political environment at this period served to intensify the rise and rapid growth of African marketing estates (Bager, 1980:21).” “Furthermore, the change of policy towards African estates by the colonial government and the mobilization of the African small-scale peasants were in light of the increased political tensions. Therefore it was a colonial government initiative aimed at creating a political buffer. For Africans, estates at this period served as a means to avoid non-African businessmen. These then explain the rapid increase in the number of the African estates in 1963 and after independence.” “In a summary, it is evident that the European settlers via the favorable policy framework gained power over the economy until the official policy shift in 1920s. European access and security over land is believed to have promoted the increase of sisal acreage. Labour and tax 26 policies on the other hand availed the avenues for cheap workforce supply on settler farms. Colonial farmers’ agitation to bar the progression of native settlements was driven by the desire to maintain the upper stake in the economy. However, with decline in Kenya’s economic position following the World War One, policy shift towards African development arose however the settlers still maintained their position, controlling the base of African economic progress (Barnes, 1956:19); (Gikenye, 2010). 2.2 Emergence of Sisal Farming in Makueni to 1963 2.2.1 The Sisal Industry to 1957 “Sisal farming in Kenya began in the late 1890s (Dawson, 1912:39). The early planting emerged from experiments that were done at mission stations. These experiments were on the varieties of Arabica sisal. It was in 1893 when the first planting was done at French Mission at Bura, Taita Hills (Dawson, 1912:39). It was from here that seedlings were transferred in early 1900 to St. Austin Mission in Nairobi. Further planting was carried out in St. Augustine’s Catholic Mission in Kikuyu in 1901 and in the Church of Scotland mission at Kibwezi. This planting was done under irrigation (Dawson, 1912:39). During this early period the settlers received the seedlings from the missions (Barnes, 1956:20).” “Sisal was an important cash crop in the early 1890s; the prices of sisal at the world market were very high. However, at the turn of the century there was over-supply in its production which subsequently resulted in the drop of prices. This problem arose from the regulation that had been put place in 1897 by the Foreign Office regulation on Certificates of Occupation of land for European settlers (Hills, 1956:9). According to this regulation, European settlers were expected to plant not less than a quarter of the land in cocoa, sisal, indigo and rubber among other plants that had been endorsed by the commissioner. Such regulation indicates the value that was attached to cash crop by the London market at these pioneer years (Hills, 1956: 9). The world sisal prices rose by 1910, and it was during this period that the Kenyan settler planter began venturing into sisal farming. By 1911/12 sisal was one of the key crops 27 and the sisal industry was gaining value and interest of potential investors. The colonial government also took keen interest in the sisal industry (Barnes, 1956:22).” “Following the establishment of the British colonial rule in Makueni District in 1902, the colonial government set up administrative centers. Makueni Township became the administrative centre of the District, having been gazetted as township in 1906 (1st March, 1906 and1st January, 1910). Its boundaries were gazetted on January, 15th, 1910. Makueni District at this time comprised of Bomet, Belgut, Mbooni, Kibwezi and Lumbwa (KNA.DC/KER/3/3/5).” “The exact year when sisal was introduced in the district is not clear. According to oral information generated from one of the estate official, it was established that sisal was introduced at different parts of the districts at different periods. In some areas, sisal growing was done on experimental basis whereas in some it was done on large scale. Introduction began from as early as 1900 up to the period at the end of First World War (Kitheko O. I., 1/8/2017). Indeed, this agrees with an archival source which reveals that sisal farming in Makueni District at its initial years was done on experimental basis. Agricultural experiment on different agricultural crops in Makueni District was done in the prison farm (KNA/DC/KER/3/9). This was an eleven acre piece of land divided into portions. Experiments on crops such as wheat, carrots, maize, and peas were carried out here. This was in the period between 1910 and 1916. Sisal was among the crops that had been planted in the prison farm. By May, 1916 , there were 21 month old sisal stumps that were growing in half an acre piece of land between the police lines and the clerks houses and a quarter an acre of ten (KNA/DC/KER/3/9).” “In Kibwezi area, oral interviews attributes sisal introduction to both colonialism and missionary activities in the area. It is believed that prior to European settlement in the area, Christian missionaries of the Roman Catholic fraternity had toured the region in the period as early as 1900s (Kitheko, O. I., 1/8/2017). Missionary activities in Kibwezi are believed to 28 have influenced sisal farming. The Christian Missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church who had toured the area during their evangelism missions experimented with sisal farming in areas such as Kokwet, Forternan and in Kibwezi in Makueni County (Too, K.I.I.,16/7/2017). During this time there was little success; success in sisal farming became evident following European settlements in the fertile lands in the region after World War One. Therefore colonialism, through settlers accelerated sisal farming in the Kibwezi (Kitheko, K.I.I., 16/07/2017). This is indeed true given that by this time (Barnes, 1956:12), notes that most of the sisal seedlings in Kenya were obtained from the mission stations. Moreover, a lot of experiments were being done here. Indeed, Mistry (1960), observed that that the white settlers regarded Makueni as the Sussex of Kenya. Mistry stated that the white settlers were marveled by the vast unexploited fertile lands. These lands became available after the World War One and the scheme to settle the British army officers also ended at this period (Mistry, 1960). The end of the World War One resulted in European settlement. This was accomplished through the alienation of African land and the settlement of the ex-World War One veteran by the colonial government. The settled Europeans then began establishing sisal plantations (Too, K.I.I., 12/6/2017). Mistry (1960), noted that colonial settler farming began to take off consistently in Makueni after the World War 1.” “During the early years of sisal farming, African labour was used to clear the vegetation for the establishment large scale plantations. At this time, the settlers were in charge of their own sisal growing and management (Too, K.I.I., 3/8/2017). These views concur with Anderson, (2005) and Zeleza, (1989:50) who indicate that African labour was needed to lay foundation for the colonial economy. Their labour played a vital role in the establishment of settler farms. In addition, the settlers received indirect support from the colonial government that created a conducive condition for the takeoff of their sisal growing. For instance, Africans had been banned from growing sisal in the region and the fertile lands with agricultural potentials were alienated, their indigenous livestock were also confiscated and their women, children and the elderly were pushed to reserves. The able bodied men on the other hand 29 were enticed with rewards such as food for work done which kept them coming to work in the European farms (Kitheko, O.I., 25/6/2017).” “Between 1912 and 1914 there were large plantations not only in Kiambu areas and but also Kikuyu. In Lumbwa, Muhoroni and Makueni District young plantations were also coming up well than predicted. It had been estimated that by the March 1914, 5,000 to 55,000 acres of land would be under sisal. Moreover, vast areas of fertile land were equally viable for sisal cultivation. At this time the development of the industry depended solely on labour supply (Hills, 1956:34).” “M. D. Le Poer Trench, sisal inspector from Jamaica, arrived in the country on January 14th, 1915 and began to work on the same month (Hills, 1956:34). During the 1915 Mr. Trench made a visit to ten plantations in both Kibwezi and Makueni District. In his annual report for the year ended 31st March 1915, Trench noted there was good progress in the plantations. He wrote: “The sisal has made better progress than I expected but owing to the altitude and climatic conditions, I still hold that Makueni District is not nearly good for sisal growing as are other sisal district which I have visited (Hills, 1956:34)” . By 1916, notable steps had been taken in the sisal industry countrywide. The formation of Sisal Planters Union was a significant step. An estimated 22,000 acres of sisal was under plantation. A small proportion of this sisal had reached their producing stage. In Makueni District, significant steps had also been made. There were sisal plantations in Makueni and Kibwezi areas and Trench during this period had toured these areas and indicated good progress in the plantations. However the growth of sisal was very slow and cases of hailstorms had been noted and this was setback and therefore shading was undertaken to mitigate the effects of hailstorms (Hill, 1956:45).” “In other parts of the districts such as Fort ternan, in February, 1916 there were reports that three plantations had been neglected. The owners as result were instructed to put them in order. In Koru, there was an outbreak of Hemilea Vastatrix in two plantations. This was 30 attributed to bad conditions of the sisal crop farming in a few areas. A department was then instructed to prune and spray sisal. In general the sisal was doing well (Hills, 1956:45). In 1917 there was an outbreak of thrip a sisal disease that caused considerable damage in plantations. Valuable services were offered by Sisal Planters Union in spite of the inadequate funds. It was also during the same year that there was the establishment of district branches in every sisal plantation in sisal growing areas. This was following revision of the constitution the Union became more representative of sisal planters in the country. During the annual general meeting, Honorary District Secretaries were elected respectively by ballot. In Makueni, Koru, Fortternan the following were elected respectively J. Q. Orchardson, C. A .Orr (Forternan and Koru) and Conway Harvey (Hills, 1956:22).” “Sisal growing in Kenya during its initial years was hampered by pests, diseases and inadequate number of laborers during the harvesting seasons (East African Protectorate, 1913). A government entomologist was appointed in 1908 and a mycologist in 1913. The duty of the entomologist was to carry out sisal research work. In order to control the spread of diseases, an ordinance was put in place to curb the spread of leaf rust. Sisal leaf disease ordinance had initially been enacted in 1904 which ruled out the importation of seeds and plants from other countries. Moreover, a sisal plantation inspector was in 1914 appointed whose role was to that of inspection of planters’ farms as well advisory role on conditions that were likely to result in pests and diseases. The inspector was also charged with ensuring that the farmer took measures to curb the spread of diseases and pests in a specified time frame. Inability to comply with regulation given would be met with charges which were either imprisonment or fines. Proper practices were to be adhered to by the farmers (East African Protectorate, 1913:9); (Hills, 1956).” “During the First World War1 period sisal farmers were affected by shipping restrictions that were placed on shipping of sisal. Moreover in 1917 sisal import into the United Kingdom was prohibited on grounds of conservation of the shipping space. This in turn resulted in 31 accumulation of sisal and lack of storage spaces for the ongoing harvest. With no sales going on, farmers were unable to maintain their plantations and pay workers which led to neglect and eventually led to outbreak of pests and diseases. This embargo was later lifted and some sisal was exported following Nairobi’s interventions in London (Hills, 1956). Some of the diseases that rose during the war time included leaf rust, thrifts antestia among other infestations (Hills, 1956:60-69).” “Given the hard economic times after the World War One, most Africans in the region were forced in squatting on the European farms. Most of their livestock, a major source of livelihood, had been slaughtered and confiscated to support the war and therefore, their only means of survival was squatting in settler farms (Kisangi, O.I., 25/6/2017). These sentiments concur with Hodges (1999:33), who noted that the aftermath of the war was labour crisis. African labour was in high demand due to economic devastations of this war. Women played a significant role during the World War I period. They ran farms and plantations while the male fork went to war (Hills, 1956:45).” “In effort to control diseases and deal with the aftermath of the war, an inspector of plantations was appointed in 1924. The inspector was to set regulations to curb the spread of disease. Despite the appointment, the inspector was unable to cater for the demands that came from the sisal industry that was by this time generated a third of the sum of the a third of total worth of the country’s sale overseas and ranked second in acreage that were set aside for sisal farming in European farms (Hills,1956). The Sisal Planters Union of Kenya was one of the bodies that the sisal farmers used as a means to ask for monetary from the state. It comprised of a branch organization with a spokesperson in the central council of the Sisal Planters Union. Attachment to the union was not obligatory. The union was the major body that served as a link between the government and the sisal industry. During the annual meeting of 1921, discussions were made concerning the formation of the sisal marketing estate (Hills, 1956:95). Other issues arising were the establishment of sisal board to deal with issues 32 affecting the industry. The board was to comprise of senior sisal officers, director of agriculture and three members of the council of KPCU (Hills, 1956:95).” “During the period of 1924 to1929 the Sisal Berry Disease had affected some plantations in the district. By 1927, the sisal estates were doing well following the reduction of the disease attacks. It subsided following spraying and as a result the sisal industry in the district was awarded two prizes at the agricultural show. By this time however most parts of the district had not achieved their targeted production. In, South Lumbwa a good progress was noted. It was therefore clear that the district was headed for prosperity (KNA/DC/KER/1/2). In 1929 heavy losses were experienced in both Kibwezi and Makueni arising from pests, diseases and drought. Despite this, the acreage under sisal was steadily increasing and the district was able to obtain prices for exhibition at the farming displays in Nakuru and Nairobi agricultural shows. During the same period statistics on sisal showed that a sum of 4,765 sisal tonnes were put for sale in the settled areas within the country. Sisal was doing well in the district, in a forty acre piece of land, 3 years old sisal yielded over 20 tonnes. The location of farm was not mentioned. Increase in acreage of bearing sisal was also consistent over the period of 1928 to 1930. For instance in 1928 it was 1,393 and in 1929 it rose to 1,714 and in 1930 it was 2,375 acres (KNA/DC/KER/1/2).” “In Lumbwa Industrial Mission sisal was also doing well. This mission station was a mission station established 1906 by reverend W.R Hotchkiss, an American Missionary. It was owned, run and managed by W.R Hotchkiss. The mission was geared towards self-support. Sisal was also grown in large scale alongside other crops such as maize (KNA/DC/KER/1/4). By 1930, sisal acreage had increased substantially and the district won various prizes for sisal at Nairobi Agricultural shows. At the beginning of 1931 to the end of 1933 Sisal Berry Disease was still a big problem and indeed it caused a lot of depression among planters. Sisal prices were also beginning to drop due to the world depression. The situation was so dire and as a result a plant inspector and a mycologist stationed at Kibwezi. They were expected to carry 33 out experiments and investigations with the hope of tackling some of problems in the area. A lot of rain was experienced in other areas such as Kibwezi and there were low expectations on good sisal yields (KNA/DC/KER/1/4). On some areas of Kibwezi, three sisal farms had already been neglected completely and shift toward tea production was evident (KNA/DC/KER/1/5). The investigations on the Sisal Berry Disease went on throughout this period and in 1933, Wilkinson of the Agricultural Department carried out some research and further investigations (KNA /DC/KER/1/6).” “In Kibwezi, in 1935 the Lumbwa Industrial Mission was merged with the National Holiness Association. W. R. Hotchinkiss left Africa for America and settled there permanently (KNA/DC/KER/1/8). It was established that following Hotchinkiss’s departure the sisal in this mission station, sisal was replaced by dairy farming due poor yields (Mursoi, O.I.,12/3/2019. Sisal yields in the deferent parts of the district were not promising with the exception of the settled area of Ng’oina which had good yields. In East Kibwezi, the conditions were quite unfavorable for sisal and shift towards the Blue Mountain variety had begun (KNA/DC/KER/1/8). E. Cuttington, went on with his experiments in Kibwezi farms in the year however his work was curtailed by lack of adequate funds.” “At the turn of 1936, the hope of growing sisal in North Kibwezi was diminishing except with some few Estates. Several experiments were carried out with little success. It was therefore clear that East Kibwezi was unsuitable for sisal growing. Experimental works went on geared towards overcoming the Sisal Berry Disease. The Antestia had been done away with by W.G Dawson. He successfully overcame it through method of dry pyrethrum spraying (KNA/DC/KER/1/9). Sisal experiments on the Sisal Berry Disease went on in the district. E. Cottington who was also in charge of the experiments was transferred in March, 1936 to Kamba and during the same year in October, assistant agricultural officer was posted to the district (KNA/DC/KER/1/10). Period 1936 – 1946 came with so much suffering not only globally but also nationally. In Makueni District, however a 34 lot of prosperity was experienced in both Kibwezi farms and the Kamba land in general. A steady market price as well as abundant harvests in different agricultural produce was noted. Sisal production went on and marketing was done through the Kenya Farmers Association (KNA/DC/KER/1/9).” 2.2.2 The Emergence of Settler Sisal Estates and Sisal Marketing during Colonialists “The sisal estates were British government colonialist strategy adopted to intensify sisal cultivation. The settlers were therefore forced to join these estates in order to grow and market this crop (Develtere, 1994); (Barnes, 1976:1); (Hills, 1956:62). During colonialism, the indigenous trade on the crop was highly contained and they would only join estates that would perform services such as processing, providing extension services and milling. Moreover, the marketing of the crop was in the hands of the colonial government that was responsible for pricing regulation (Barnes, 1976). Between the periods of 1900 to 1933 the marketing of sisal was charged with rudimentary institutions and individuals (Sisal Board of Kenya, 2014). The pioneer sisal farmers had to form individual marketing companies to market their own crops overseas. These companies undertook the handling of sisal from mills to the final stage of payment in London or other parts of the continent (Sisal Board of Kenya, 2014). Kenyan sisal was mainly processed and imported by the Germans during the period of colonialism whereas the British were the main consumers (Varqa, 2008:169). The Kenyan domestic market remained unexploited throughout the colonial period; the little that was consumed was restricted to the European expatriate and the British (arqa, 2008:69).” “British settlers formed and use estates as profit generating tools. The estates therefore emerged as a response to the need to address socio-economic problems at that period which included among other issues low prices on agricultural products, poor transport and communication networks. Moreover, the new system of farming at this period involved large- scale production which was challenging. This therefore, triggered the need for association. Colonialism shaped the form and character of estates in Kenya right from its inception 35 (Ouma, 1989:34-35). The earliest Estate Association in Kenya at Kibwezi, Makueni County was formed in 1908 and was named Lumbwa Estate Association (Ouma, 1989:34); (Dondo, 2012:27). Its formation was spearheaded by the need to grant white farmers agricultural aid. Lumbwa Farmers’ Estate Association was formed mainly to market agricultural produce for the settlers and for acquiring farm input at reasonable rates whereas Kibwezi Creameries was to market dairy services. Kibwezi creameries came into being in 1912 (Dondo, 2012:27).” “In Kenya, the sisal estates and Sisal Planters emerged from the heavy expenditure that accrued from sea freights that necessitated their formation to cut the costs. This began with the creation of the Colonialists Association in 1903 (Hills, 1956). In 1914, the Colonialists Association received an invitation from the sisal planters from Jamaica. The Sisal Planters Association was also formed 1909 and it provided settlers with avenue to air their grievances and a means of political expression. In Makueni County, this association enabled the settlers to acquire land that was lying between Kiu and Forternan for their settlement (Hills, 1956:34). The Sisal Planters Union was formed in 1916 (Hills, 1956). The union received financial support from the banks and it also inherited some the assets from the Sisal Planters Association (Hills, 1956:45).” “In post-World War One, the depression necessitated the need to encourage the output of primary products by the Africans in the African areas. This was an effort of Mr. Holm who was in charge of European agricultural production. The role of the Europeans was that of technicians, overseers and advisers. There was also the mobilization for the formation of the estate enterprises, Land Banks among other things to promote economic development (Hills, 1956:62). This began with the formation of the Kenya Farmers Association. The association came into being in 1919 (Hills, 1956). It was formed by the colonial state to provide a platform for white settlers to sell their cash crops such as sisal and other crops overseas and within the colony. This association was the sole distributer of agricultural tools, seeds and fertilizers. Africans did not benefit much from the association; they were often forced to 36 depend on the local markets because their cash crops such as maize were often rejected by the association on grounds that they did not meet the required quality standards (Leys, 1975).” “The government justified settler support and production on grounds that the Africans were too ignorant to produce commodities needed for sale overseas. Despite the governments support, the settlers crop output was insignificant even in situation where production and marketing was reserved for them. Their high standard of living was too high for production (Leys, 1975). This period was also marked by the emergence of Sisal Companies in Kibwezi, Makueni County. African sisal estate societies in Kibwezi were preceded by settler sisal companies. Their operations were governed by the Company’s Act (Too, O.I., 23/7/2017). Kibwezi Company Limited was among the earliest companies that dealt with sisal farming. It began its operation as an individual company that was owned and ran by an Italian settler who was nicknamed ‘Tino’. This was established through an oral interview with a former sisal estate agent in the area (Sang, O.I., 23/6/2017). The settler was nicknamed by the locals. This Italian settler came in the area as an explorer via the Kenya Uganda railway and ex- World War 1 veteran. Following the end of World War One Tino’ settled in Kibwezi regions of Kibwezi as a settler who was not only large scale dairy farmer but also as a large maize and sisal producer (Sang, O.I.,23/6/2017). Oral interviews with a former colonial estate agent revealed ‘Mr. Tie’ who also originally established sisal estates companies such as Chepkitar Farmers’ Estate Company Limited and Koisagat Farmer Estate Company Limited respectively. These settlers were marveled by the vast, empty, virgin land of Kibwezi that had conducive climate favorable for agriculture. They established large sisal plantations in the region that are still in existence 100 years later (Ngok, O.I., 23/6/2017).” “The completion of the Kenya Uganda railway 1901 and the accessibility of Kibwezi, region via rail provided a viable means of transport for transportation of heavy machinery from both Italy and Scotland via the port of Mombasa that enabled Tino to construct one of the massive sisal sisal estates in the region. The sisal estate was used for wet processing of sisal and sisal 37 production during the colonial era and even after independence. Fortternan railway station played a crucial role since it was centre for loading agricultural produce such as sisal, tea and other agricultural produce for export and off-loading manufactured materials from overseas (Cheruiyot, O.I.,25/6/2). Africans at this time following the devastations of World War One, were desperately in need of means survival hence provided casual labour in sisal farms and in the dairy farms in exchange of basic needs such as food. Their labour was also crucial in the construction of the Kapngetuny Sisal Sisal estate (Ng’etich, O.I., 24/7/2017). These sentiments agree Kosgey (1981), who states that the Kamba became labourers and producers in various parts of the colony. In areas such as Londiani-Kibwezi where sisal was being grown, their labour was used massively in the settler farms. Furthermore, she notes that that the lack of grazing land due to land alienation forced them into squatting (Kosgey, 1981). Land alienation resulted in land scarcity which in turn made respondents seek for opportunities of work. Most of these respondents landed in settlers’ farms as squatters. Taxation in form of poll and hut tax equally forced Africans to employment in European farms (Zwanenberg et al, 1975).” “Bulldozers imported from Europe were useful in landscaping and ox- ploughs were used to till sisal farms before sisal growing and other imported machines were used for spraying sisal to control pests. The construction of the sisal estate began in 1923 and ended in the early 1930s and became operational to date. By 1923, Tino had 200 acres that was under sisal. The sisal estate was managed by Mr. Tino till 1977 (Kitheko, O.I., 24/7/2017). The white settler generated his own power from the available water resource. Water turbine generators were used to extract power from moving water. He had built a water reservoir and channeled water through tunnels at high pressure by use of gravity into an intake point. The water then at high pressure turned the turbines connected to a generator at high speed. The hydropower plant worked through the use of energy generated by falling water to produce electricity. It therefore involved the use of turbines which converted kinetic energy generated by falling water into mechanical energy.” 38 “The mechanical energy produced was then converted into electric energy. Then the generator uses the mechanical energy from the turbines to generate electrical energy. The strength and energy of falling water pushed alongside the cutting edges of the turbines causing them to spin and as it spins it converts mechanical energy from the turbines into electric energy. Energy that was generated from water turbines generated electricity and steam that was used to process The Company processed large tonnes of sisal that was primarily for export and little for local consumption throughout the colonial and independence period. Barriers were erected to prevent Africans accessing the sisal farms from growing sisal. Rules had been outlined by the settlers and those who dared to go against them would be threatened with guns and those who dared to grow sisal, their sisal were uprooted and banished from the area (Kosgey, O.1., 23/6/2017). Africans who worked in the sisal estate as casual labourers were rewarded with skimmed milk (Koskey, O.1., 23/6/2017).” “However, in the years following World War Two pressures from the locals led the casual labourers being paid 3 rupees per month later on, Africans who agitated for change. Mau Mau uprising in the 1950s led to an increase in their payment. Payment in form rupees and shillings was introduced. Other would be tricked with gifts and the most aggressive were given cows and banished in the area. By 1977 Africans were paid 52 shillings (Yegon, F.G.D., 14/7/2017); (Too, K.I.I., 2/8/2017). By 1963 exploitative in nature of the company was evident, Africans never benefited from the activities of the company since no one school was constructed nor any social facility (Ng’etich, K.I.I., 12/6/2017).” “Kibwezi Company Limited was not the only company involved in sisal farming in Kibwezi. In 1930s, another company emerged in the same division. Its emergence is believed to have been influenced by Kibwezi Company Limited. The name of the company was Almora Estate Company Limited (Ngok, K.I.I., 23/6/2017). The Almora Estate Company Limited was in charge of the Almora Sisal Estate. This was settler owned sisal estate. Almora Company Limited was a sisal Estate had been established in Koisagat in Kibwezi area largely to benefit 39 the white farmers and the colonizing state (Ngok, K.I.I., 23/6/2017). The first settler to occupy the land was an Italian nicknamed ‘Mutua’ by the local. He had 1,000 acres of sisal